The environmental NGO community in Russia comprises independent NGOs, pro-state organizations, and grassroots movements (Henry 2010). In this paper, my analysis is limited to the independent NGOs, which possess knowledge regarding the state of the environment and share networks with international environmental NGOs and foundations. These are the NGOs that were independent of the Russian state and businesses. Although they tried to diversify their funding sources, international grants represented the primary source of funding for these NGOs. These NGOs were dedicated to addressing environmental issues at the local, national, and global levels. In the early 2000s, they actively engaged with the regional and federal authorities, as well as with corporations, participating in discussions on environmental legislation. Moreover, they played a significant role in the development and execution of environmental programs and projects. The Russian branches of such esteemed international environmental organizations as Greenpeace, the WWF, and Bellona can be regarded as the leading voices within this faction of the environmental community (Tysiachniouk et al. 2023).

Repressions against NGOs started in 2012 and have increased dramatically since the full-scale war against Ukraine began in February 2022. The introduction of the laws on foreign agents, on undesirable organizations, and restricting interactions with foreign NGOs have had a significant impact on these NGOs, limiting their funding and resulting in many being labeled as “foreign agents” (Tulaeva et al. 2017). The war in Ukraine has seen a further increase in government control, including in the form of laws censoring criticism of the army.

In the face of this governmental pressure, the environmental movement has shown resilience and adaptability. Its members have adapted by giving up international funding, changing their names, and working informally in Russia or in exile. As repressive measures have increased, however, many of these adaptation strategies have stopped working, disabling the environmental movement and causing its fragmentation. This study aims to explore how the movement has transformed during the war and how the political context has influenced NGO operations and activities. The study was conducted in 2022–2033 using a qualitative methodology involving semi-structured interviews (N=47) and participant observation.

In line with the increasingly repressive government policies introduced since the invasion of Ukraine in 2022, existing laws targeting independent NGOs have also been enforced more strictly. In particular, amendments were introduced in 2022 that strengthened the Foreign Agent Law (Federal Law No. 121-FZ of July 20, 2012) and the Undesirable Organizations Law (Federal Law No. 129-FZ of May 23, 2015). Notably, the Law on Control over the Activities of Persons Under Foreign Influence came into force in December 2022, with several amendments made in 2023. This law led to the creation of a single register maintained by the Ministry of Justice that listed various entities, such as NGOs, media outlets, unregistered groups, and individuals. Interestingly, it is no longer necessary for an organization to receive foreign funding to be labeled as a “foreign agent”; anyone can be classified as an individual under foreign influence.

In 2022, several environmental NGOs were designated as foreign agents, including the Arkhangelsk-based unregistered group Movement “42,” Friends of the Baltic, Sakhalin Environmental Watch, Center for Conservation and Study of Salmon Species and their Habitats, and the Altai Indigenous NGO Tuba Kalyk. The reasons for their inclusion on the register remain unclear, but it is speculated that it may be due to their anti-war statements or participation in rallies following the invasion, as well as potential foreign funding (Russian SocialEcological Union, 2022).

The following year, three additional environmental NGOs were added to the register of foreign agents. These included WWF-Russia, Omsk Civil Association (involved in efforts to prevent deforestation), and Kedr Media, which provided the public with extensive information about the environmental situation in Russia.

Furthermore, in 2023, five international NGOs were deemed undesirable in Russia. Chief among them was the Norwegian environmental foundation Bellona, which was accused of undermining the Russian economy, discrediting government policies, and destabilizing the socio-political situation in the country. Greenpeace International and WWF International were also added to the list. This hurt the Russian environmental movement in the regions, as these international NGOs had historically provided significant financial and expert support to regional groups. The final two INGOs were Altai Project, which focused on preservation wildlife efforts and opposition to the construction of the Power of Siberia-2 gas pipeline and the development of the Kara-Kul cobalt deposit in the Altai Republic, and the Russian branch of the U.S. NGO Wild Salmon Center.

These legislative developments limited political opportunities for environmental NGOs, jeopardized their funding from international foundations, and broke off collaborations between transborder NGO networks. In response to the repressive measures, NGOs in Russia terminated or limited their repertoire of collective actions as part of their adaptation to a changing context (see Figure 1).

NGOs avoid geopolitical statements. Many NGOs had to shift away from engaging in political statements and criticism of the state. A representative of WWFRussia explained that following the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, “It was immediately decided that we would not make any statements. Our position is that we are outside of politics, our goal is to preserve nature, and we do not make political statements. Although, of course, it is clear that we do not approve of all this. But, you see, we are caught between two fires: global networks and Russian authorities. If we had made this statement, we would have caused the immediate closure of WWF in Russia. Who benefits from this? We need to preserve the organization, to preserve the people” (representative of WWF-Russia, March 2022). As we now know, however, this caution did not save WWF: after WWF-International was listed as an undesirable organization in 2023, the Russian branch was forced to cut ties with WWF-International, abandon the panda logo, cut staff, and reduce operations to a minimum. Its current name is Fund for Nature.

NGO-state interactions change. Being listed as a “foreign agent” affected expert work in public councils under the state agencies. “All government agencies openly say that, sorry, we cannot work with you any more… because you are a foreign agent. We were banned” (representative of NGO “Silver Taiga,” September 2022).

Cooperation between the authorities and the largest environmental NGOs in Russia, Greenpeace and the WWF, continued for a short time after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Greenpeace and WWF employees provided expert support to government authorities in preparing reports for international conventions, monitored the work of state agencies, participated in the discussion of government programs in the field of the environment, and implemented educational projects. “We worked with the Ministry of Natural Resources…. There were personal contacts, so they continued to use our expertise. They even said publicly that they used our data for their decisions. They turned to us about any legislative decisions” (former representative of Greenpeace, June 2023). After Greenpeace and the WWF were recognized as undesirable organizations in 2023, this cooperation had to be scaled down to a few individuals from the former WWF and Greenpeace who continued working with state agencies.

Working with state agencies became challenging. As a Greenpeace activist in exile explained, “It used to be easier to put pressure on the state, because now the whole focus is on the war. Even some of our attempts at pressure are not relevant for them. All resources are directed toward war” (Greenpeace activist in exile, July 2023). In some cases, cooperation with the government provides financial support for environmental initiatives that might otherwise not be implemented. NGOs to have benefitted from this are Dront in the Nizhny Novgorod region and the all-Russian movement “EKA.” In some cases, environmental NGOs receive state funding, although this may limit their ability to criticize state policies. Consequently, this cooperation can resemble the co-optation of environmental NGOs by the state.

Self-censorship. NGOs now resort to discreet conversations and implicit agreements with government authorities instead of engaging in public discussions. This shift is due to self-censorship and the challenges posed by the ongoing war. A Greenpeace activist in exile revealed, “After the war began, self-censorship emerged within the organization. It became impossible to express our stance openly. We started censoring ourselves to protect ourselves” (Greenpeace activist in exile, July, September 2023). Even this did not protect Greenpeace: it was forced to close down after being listed as an undesirable organization. However, self-censorship has been an effective strategy for some NGOs operating in Russia.

NGOs operating informally. Some environmental activists have chosen not to create new NGOs since their organizations have been forcibly shut down or labeled as foreign agents, preferring to continue their environmental work as non-registered groups. Despite its informal status, however, Movement “42” was listed as a foreign agent. Since then, its activists have worked as volunteers-individuals for the group, which does not operate under any recognizable name.

While forgoing official legal recognition limits their areas of operation and funding opportunities, it also allows these groups to evade close government scrutiny (to some extent and for a certain period). Acting as private individuals, activists rely on informal networks and personal connections with other environmental NGOs and government agencies. Their established status as highly knowledgeable environmental experts enables them to sustain their environmental work even after the closure of their organizations. One representative of the Cola Center NGO explained, “We are members of public councils… relying on personal connections for now… Only because I know the council’s secretary. That’s the only reason we’re still able to continue” (representative of Cola Center NGO, February 2022). In some instances, established connections with regional authorities have enabled an NGO designated as a foreign agent to continue operating in a particular region or even get its foreign agent status removed. One NGO expert revealed, “The regional government supported us, leading to a multi-year program working with protected natural areas and rare species” (NGO expert, February 2022).

Engaging in less political activities. NGOs have been engaging in less sensitive environmental issues to avoid potential backlash. They may decline projects that involve topics such as nuclear energy and forest mapping, which can be deemed politically sensitive. Earth Concerns Everyone, for instance, simply advocates an environmentally friendly lifestyle and recycling, as well as sometimes asking their followers to sign petitions to preserve a specially protected natural area from construction threats.

Forming new alliances. In 2023, the Reserve Alliance (Zapovednyi Al’ians) was formed to fight the destruction of specially protected areas. İt consists of 48 environmental NGOs that monitor legislation on specially protected areas, with their natural, historical, and cultural complexes. They issue petitions to legislators— and even once to the Prosecutor General—concerning the illegal clear-cutting of forests in the planned Maksimyarvi nature reserve in the Republic of Karelia.

Reregistering NGOs under new names. Following forced closures, some NGOs have established new organizations with different names to continue their work. For example, Friends of the Baltic created a new entity to engage in state-sponsored projects, while the staff of the Russian branch of Greenpeace formed “The Earth Concerns Everyone (informal group),” which focuses on promoting environmentally friendly life styles, fighting unnecessary consumption, and advocating for recycling. For its part, WWF-Russia severed its ties with WWF-International and abandoned its iconic panda logo. These reformed affiliations aim to resume their crucial activities, including participating in public councils, driving environmental education, advocating for the protection of natural areas through petitions, and conducting research.

Kedr-Media, which received “foreign agent” status in 2023 for distributing information provided by foreign agents and analyzing the impact of the war on the environment, officially closed in January 2024 to protect its journalists from various threats. A new entity, Smola-Media, was soon formed; the latter is successfully issuing environmental news while avoiding politically sensitive topics.

Defending the rights of environmental activists and NGOs. The Socio-Ecological Union has launched an Environmental Crisis Group dedicated to publicizing information about the persecution of environmental activists and providing help to them. They collect money for lawyers, participate in lawsuits, and organize letters to those who are in prison, driven by the belief that resistance is not futile and that some activists have been able to successfully defend themselves and their rights. “There are examples when activists managed to defend themselves and defend their rights. And even win a stalking case. Therefore, our slogan in recent years has been: ‘Resistance is not useless’” (representative of the Socio-Ecological Union, March 2023).

Involvement on a global scale has diminished. Russian NGOs strive to work on the global environmental agenda: “The goal of any effective and truly working environmental organization is not only to preserve nature ‘here and now,’ but also to seek and try in every possible way to achieve a balance between human activity and nature at both the national and global levels” (The Earth Concerns Everyone, October 2023). However, NGO participation at the global level declined dramatically following the outbreak of war in Ukraine. Operations of the Arctic Council were suspended and resumed only in May 2023, when the Russian chairmanship was transferred to Norway. Russian environmental NGO observers and Indigenous groups have not participated in the Arctic Council since the war began, while it was primarily Russian climate activists in exile who participated in COP27 and COP28. Transnational NGO networks with U.S. and European partners have sometimes been shattered by boycotts of Russian actors due to the war. In parallel, a Russian law enacted in 2023 prohibits the involvement of Russian NGOs with NGOs from unfriendly countries.

Working from exile. Interaction with international environmental NGOs and activists in exile is primarily informal, relying on social connections and social capital cultivated in the past. Despite the difficulties they face, individual environmental NGOs and their activists demonstrate resilience and determination as they continue to advocate for environmental causes. In some NGOs, one group of activists are in Russia and the other contributes to projects online from exile. In certain cases, exiled environmentalists have shifted their attention to Russia’s war in Ukraine. Before the war, Eco-Defence, a prominent organization with members scattered across the EU, campaigned against environmentally harmful projects in Russia. In 2022–2023, however, it collaborated with German environmental NGOs to monitor compliance with EU sanctions on companies engaging in illegal trade with Russia. Through their expertise in supply chain analysis, Eco-Defence identifies German companies violating sanctions by trading with Russia and shares this information with EU Parliament members to prompt action. Additionally, the Ukraine War Environmental Consequences Work Group, consisting of activists in exile from Russia and Ukrainian experts, is focusing on assessing the war’s impacts on ecosystems, soil, and the Kakhovka dam.

Environmental NGOs have been forced to extensively modify their strategies and adapt to increased restrictions. It has become incredibly challenging to establish collaborations with influential international environmental organizations and foundations. Some NGOs have recognized the importance of working with state agencies and have made this apriority. However, caution needs to be exercised, as NGOs are compelled to limit their criticism of government authorities. NGOs are striving to find a balance between advocating for global environmental values and aligning with the national political agenda. By collaborating with government authorities, NGOs can contribute to the development and implementation of environmental programs. To avoid involvement in political matters and sensitive environmental issues, these organizations choose not to make political statements and align themselves with the state’s environmental agenda. The importance of informal channels of communication has grown, facilitating connections with the international environmental community through environmentalists in exile. NGOs that have been labeled as “foreign agents” often undergo restructuring, change their names, or operate in informal capacities to continue their environmental activism without a formal organizational structure. Exiled activists primarily drive the involvement of NGOs in global environmental issues. Consequently, the overall environmental NGO community has become fragmented, with operations taking place partly within Russia and partly from exile.

Maria Tysiachniouk holds a Master of Science in Environmental Studies from Bard College, NY, a PhD in Biology from the Russian Academy of Sciences, and a PhD in Sociology from Wageningen University (2012). Throughout her entire career, she has studied the environmental movement in Russia and its transformation. She is currently a researcher at the University of Eastern Finland. Contact: mtysiachn@gmail.com .